Saturday, December 27, 2008
Thursday, June 12, 2008
OKC bombing: exposing a coverup
The Vehmgericht are reproducing this article which is available on BNET, because DIGG rejected links from BNET. It is well worth reading. It provides insight into not only the OKC bombing and coverup, but also into some of the issues of journalism involved in the OKC and similar coverups.
OKC bombing: exposing a coverup: The New American has played a lead role in the ongoing efforts by independent investigators to get to the truth about the Oklahoma City bombing
William F. Jasper
This was a major break in the Oklahoma City Bombing case. I was in Tulsa, Oklahoma, for a meeting with the undercover operative for the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) who had penetrated a white separatist commune in rural Oklahoma known as Elohim City. The operative I was scheduled to meet was a young woman named Carol Howe, known to her ATF handlers under the code name CI-183 (Confidential Informant 183).
Miss Howe had taken on a very dangerous assignment and amassed an incredible amount of detailed information--notes, audiotapes, videotapes, drawings, diagrams, photographs, license plate numbers, names, addresses, and telephone numbers--on what would prove to be one of our country's largest known concentrations of domestic terrorists. I had obtained copies of Howe's official ATF records, which proved to be a veritable treasure trove. Besides containing a wealth of completely new data, the ATF's file on Howe corroborated important evidence and testimony THE NEW AMERICAN had received from other sources tying individuals associated with Elohim City to Timothy McVeigh and the OKC bombing.
Our meeting, on the evening of October 7, 1997, took place in a quiet Tulsa restaurant. She was the star witness scheduled to testify the next morning in Oklahoma City before a special grand jury convened to investigate the bombing. Media organizations from all over the world were trying to find her. Reporters from several major broadcast and print media had been calling me seeking information on her whereabouts. I said I didn't know, which was true; I knew only where she was to be at our appointed meeting time.
Why had Carol Howe agreed to meet only with THE NEW AMERICAN? She had explained in one of our earlier telephone conversations that she was "very impressed" with our previous coverage of the OKC bombing in general and our articles dealing with Elohim City and her undercover work in particular. Our September 15, 1997 cover story, "Undercover: The Howe Revelations," was, she said, "the most accurate and comprehensive" single report that had been written on her story.
I had first learned of Carol Howe months earlier, from Glenn and Kathy Wilburn, whose young grandsons, Chase and Colton, were among the 19 children in the Alfred R Murrah Building's day-care center who were murdered in the bombing. The Wilburns had become very concerned by what was obviously a deliberate, hurried effort on the part of federal authorities to close the case with Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols as the only conspirators in the terror attack.
"All of a sudden, Janet Reno, the Justice Department, the FBI flip the switch and deny that there is or ever was a John Doe No. 2 or any other accomplices," Glenn told me during one late-night session at the Wilburns' home. "I don't buy that for a minute. There's too much evidence, too many credible witnesses showing McVeigh and the Ryder truck with multiple suspects on the morning of April 19. I can't and won't stand idly by if some of Chase and Colton's murderers--for whatever reasons, and I don't know what they might be--are allowed to get off."
Carol Howe's ATF reports confirmed what the Wilburns and other bombing survivors and investigators had learned from multiple sources: the ATF had been forewarned about the attack, and its agents were conspicuously absent from the ATF offices at the Murrah Building on April 19.
Burning an Informant
THE NEW AMERICAN'S coverage of Carol Howe and the Elohim City connection to the OKC bombing has been repeatedly vindicated. As the 10th anniversary of the deadly attack rolled around earlier this year, important new evidence was still coming out in the form of FBI memos released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).
The FBI memos confirm that Timothy McVeigh was indeed tied to Elohim City, the Aryan Republican Army, White Aryan Resistance, Aryan Nations, and other violent neo-Nazi groups. More importantly, they show that government spokesmen knew this to be the case even while they were denying that they had any evidence of this connection. Still more important is the fact that the recently released documents, together with a number of arrests, trials, and convictions (that have been almost completely ignored by the major media), have shown that an alarming number of Elohim City's disreputable alumni were actually working, in one form or another, for federal law enforcement agencies.
When it became obvious that news of Carol Howe's explosive findings might leak out and expose the Clinton Justice Department's false claim that McVeigh was a lone bomber (co-conspirator Nichols was not in Oklahoma City the day of the bombing), retaliation was swift and vicious. The FBI exposed her identity, putting her in mortal danger. Then, both the FBI and ATF refused to bring her in or give her protection, in violation of the terms of her confidential informant agreement (not to mention every moral standard). Amazingly, she survived.
Obsessed with shutting Howe up, the Justice Department then arrested her and put her on trial for the very same undercover activities they had recruited her to perform! In the course of her trial, however, top Justice, FBI, and ATF officials were publicly exposed in flagrante--lying, falsifying, and withholding documents; "losing" documents; and consorting with the enemy.
One of the most stunning revelations to come out of the Howe trial was that Robert Millar, the elderly founder and leader of Elohim City (who, according to the ATF's own records, was urging his followers to engage in violent insurrection against the federal government), was himself a longtime informant for the FBI. But in view of his activities and those he was presiding over at the rural redoubt, it would seem he was more accurately an agent provocateur than an "informant." No wonder Clinton, Reno, and company were pushing so furiously to cover this mess up. At the very least, it provided shocking evidence of incompetence or criminal negligence and malfeasance so egregious and extensive that public exposure could very well cause a wave of outrage that would cause the lopping off of heads all the way up to, and including, the top occupant of the White House.
And Millar was not alone. More and more evidence indicated that some of Elohim City's most notorious frequenters were working for the federal government, including Richard Guthrie, Kevin McCarthy, Shawn Kenny, Dennis Mahon, and German national Andreas Strassmeir. Carol Howe testified that she had seen McVeigh with Strassmeir at Elohim City. FBI phone records show that McVeigh had called the rural compound seeking Strassmeir immediately after placing a call to the Ryder truck rental agency. Oklahoma police records showed that McVeigh had received a traffic ticket very near Elohim City on a back-country road leading to the Aryan community.
Why were the revelations that should have set off alarms and started a media frenzy instead greeted with deafening silence? The Clinton administration and its allies in the Establishment press quickly branded any who challenged the official "McVeigh and Nichols only" scenario as "anti-government fanatics" and "conspiracy wackos" who were trying to exculpate McVeigh.
As in the case of so many other important revelations concerning what was--until 9/11--the deadliest terrorist attack on American soil, the heavy lifting would have to be done not by the Big Media stars, but by a small band of dedicated independent investigators. Perhaps most notable of these were Glenn and Kathy Wilburn, who devoted themselves full-time in pursuit of the truth, pushing tirelessly, relentlessly onward, amassing enormous files and important contacts covering all aspects of the bombing.
I worked with the Wilburns and others too numerous to mention who contributed in countless ways to advance an enormously heroic effort that was fraught with many obstacles. While the Big Media "watchdogs" performed as obedient lapdogs for the Clinton administration's coverup, a small band of resolute truth seekers broke loose one major story after another.
Media Blackout
However, it soon became obvious that no matter how many "smoking guns" we turned up, in the form of eyewitnesses, physical evidence or government documents, ultimately we would have little impact unless we could break through the media blackout and get the facts to a larger American audience. The hostility of the liberal-left Big Media was not the only problem; the cowardice of the "conservatives" was equally, if not more, harmful to our effort to breach the wall of silence.
All too often, I heard from editors and reporters of conservative print and broadcast media, as well as conservative national radio talk-show hosts, words to this effect: "Terrific stuff you're doing on OKC, keep up the good work." However, they were unwilling to risk the wrath of the White House or the Big Media insiders by tackling the issue themselves. Some of them admitted this explicitly, others merely inferred. Even spunky Internet news sites that promote themselves as fearless investigative sources maintained the proverbial "10 foot pole" length from the real Oklahoma bombing story.
This was especially frustrating because, in the effort to get more media firepower directed at the OKC coverup, I did what is unheard of in journalism: I offered editors and reporters who were willing to tackle the issue full access to my documents, as well as to all of my sources and witnesses who were willing to speak to other media. This was no small matter, since quite frequently I was the only one with access to highly coveted documents, sources, and witnesses, many of which were the result of lengthy, laborious, and expensive effort. Moreover, I offered to walk willing reporters through much of the complex, labyrinthine detail in the case. This was like opening up the vault and even helping them load the gold into their vans. It was a can't-resist no-brainer for any serious journalist.
Many responded to a limited extent, cherry-picking irresistible morsels, especially if they tied into an OKC story that was currently hot with the Big Media. But almost no one seemed willing to take up the daunting challenge. One of the most important exceptions to this otherwise dismal response from typical journalists was Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, one of Britain's top reporters and the Washington bureau chief for The Sunday Telegraph.
Mr. Evans-Pritchard contacted me by phone in 1996 during one of my trips to Oklahoma City. He complimented me on my series of articles on the bombing and asked if I'd mind if he jumped into the OKC story. Specifically, he was hoping to contact some of my witnesses. Mind? I was thrilled, I said, noting that I greatly admired the investigative work he was doing on the Vince Foster "suicide," and other scandals that had earned him the ire of the Clinton administration. "I think you're showing that Oklahoma City is a much bigger and more important story than Vince Foster," he said. "Well, welcome aboard," I responded.
Evans-Pritchard's OKC stories in the Telegraph in 1996 and 1997 were picked up by many U.S. media organizations and did much to break down the walls of fear that kept many other reporters from challenging the official lies and coverup about the bombing. His book, The Secret Life of Bill Clinton: The Unreported Stories (1997), which devoted the first seven chapters to Oklahoma City, also provided a tremendous boost to our overall efforts.
He began Chapter 1 with this sentence: "Relaxing on Air Force One after the 1996 elections, Bill Clinton told a pool of reporters that he owed his political revival to the Oklahoma bombing." Evans-Pritchard recounted that Clinton reflected on the country's backlash to his first term, which resulted in the Republican conquest of Congress in 1994. But when the bomb went off, Clinton told the press pool, "It broke a spell in the country as people began searching for our common ground again." In truth, the deadly explosion enabled the president--with the invaluable help of the Establishment press--to skillfully exploit the tragedy to demonize critics of his policies as fellow-travelers with terrorists.
Unfortunately, Evans-Pritchard was transferred back to England in 1997, and no one in the major media of his stature, ability, and fortitude stepped in to continue his important reporting.
Untold Stories
Over the past decade, THE NEW AMERICAN has published scores of stories on the Oklahoma City bombing, many of them major, groundbreaking reports. I think it is not an exaggeration to say that those stories played a significant role in foiling the plans of the Clinton cabal to not only demonize, but actually to criminalize, conservatives and constitutionalists who opposed their police-state agenda. Although virtually all of those stories carry my byline, they were truly collaborative efforts, reflecting the input of many others whom I will never be able adequately to thank.
The Oklahoma City bombing investigation has been the most extensive and expensive effort of this type ever undertaken by THE NEW AMERICAN or its predecessors, American Opinion and The Review of the News. It would not have been possible without the volunteer assistance of bombing survivors, law enforcement personnel, witnesses, and experts in many fields. It also would not have been possible without the security assistance provided by many good friends or the special financial assistance from several major donors, which enabled us to cover the enormous expenses involved in travel, security, copying documents and tapes, and paying for analysis by engineers, laboratories, forensic scientists, and other experts.
Many people are under the mistaken impression that more information about the Oklahoma City bombing serves little purpose, since it has been eclipsed in magnitude, importance and currency by the 9/11 terror attacks. But as we have shown, the 1993 attack on the World Trade Center, the 1995 attack on OKC, and the 9/11 attack are all directly connected. * Understanding the Oklahoma City attack is critical to understanding the others and to strengthening our nation's security in the global war on terror.
Many important stories about the Oklahoma City bombing and 9/11 remain to be told, including several that we have never mentioned but have been investigating and developing for years--and that we hope to soon be able to publish.
* See, for instance, "Al-Qaeda's OKC-9/11 Ties" in our July 26, 2004 issue. This and over 35 other TNA articles on the OKC bombing are available at thenewamerican.com/focus/okc/.
William F. Jasper, a senior editor for THE NEW AMERICAN, has covered terrorism issues for nearly 30 years, including undercover work.
COPYRIGHT 2005 American Opinion Publishing, Inc.
OKC bombing: exposing a coverup: The New American has played a lead role in the ongoing efforts by independent investigators to get to the truth about the Oklahoma City bombing
William F. Jasper
This was a major break in the Oklahoma City Bombing case. I was in Tulsa, Oklahoma, for a meeting with the undercover operative for the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) who had penetrated a white separatist commune in rural Oklahoma known as Elohim City. The operative I was scheduled to meet was a young woman named Carol Howe, known to her ATF handlers under the code name CI-183 (Confidential Informant 183).
Miss Howe had taken on a very dangerous assignment and amassed an incredible amount of detailed information--notes, audiotapes, videotapes, drawings, diagrams, photographs, license plate numbers, names, addresses, and telephone numbers--on what would prove to be one of our country's largest known concentrations of domestic terrorists. I had obtained copies of Howe's official ATF records, which proved to be a veritable treasure trove. Besides containing a wealth of completely new data, the ATF's file on Howe corroborated important evidence and testimony THE NEW AMERICAN had received from other sources tying individuals associated with Elohim City to Timothy McVeigh and the OKC bombing.
Our meeting, on the evening of October 7, 1997, took place in a quiet Tulsa restaurant. She was the star witness scheduled to testify the next morning in Oklahoma City before a special grand jury convened to investigate the bombing. Media organizations from all over the world were trying to find her. Reporters from several major broadcast and print media had been calling me seeking information on her whereabouts. I said I didn't know, which was true; I knew only where she was to be at our appointed meeting time.
Why had Carol Howe agreed to meet only with THE NEW AMERICAN? She had explained in one of our earlier telephone conversations that she was "very impressed" with our previous coverage of the OKC bombing in general and our articles dealing with Elohim City and her undercover work in particular. Our September 15, 1997 cover story, "Undercover: The Howe Revelations," was, she said, "the most accurate and comprehensive" single report that had been written on her story.
I had first learned of Carol Howe months earlier, from Glenn and Kathy Wilburn, whose young grandsons, Chase and Colton, were among the 19 children in the Alfred R Murrah Building's day-care center who were murdered in the bombing. The Wilburns had become very concerned by what was obviously a deliberate, hurried effort on the part of federal authorities to close the case with Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols as the only conspirators in the terror attack.
"All of a sudden, Janet Reno, the Justice Department, the FBI flip the switch and deny that there is or ever was a John Doe No. 2 or any other accomplices," Glenn told me during one late-night session at the Wilburns' home. "I don't buy that for a minute. There's too much evidence, too many credible witnesses showing McVeigh and the Ryder truck with multiple suspects on the morning of April 19. I can't and won't stand idly by if some of Chase and Colton's murderers--for whatever reasons, and I don't know what they might be--are allowed to get off."
Carol Howe's ATF reports confirmed what the Wilburns and other bombing survivors and investigators had learned from multiple sources: the ATF had been forewarned about the attack, and its agents were conspicuously absent from the ATF offices at the Murrah Building on April 19.
Burning an Informant
THE NEW AMERICAN'S coverage of Carol Howe and the Elohim City connection to the OKC bombing has been repeatedly vindicated. As the 10th anniversary of the deadly attack rolled around earlier this year, important new evidence was still coming out in the form of FBI memos released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).
The FBI memos confirm that Timothy McVeigh was indeed tied to Elohim City, the Aryan Republican Army, White Aryan Resistance, Aryan Nations, and other violent neo-Nazi groups. More importantly, they show that government spokesmen knew this to be the case even while they were denying that they had any evidence of this connection. Still more important is the fact that the recently released documents, together with a number of arrests, trials, and convictions (that have been almost completely ignored by the major media), have shown that an alarming number of Elohim City's disreputable alumni were actually working, in one form or another, for federal law enforcement agencies.
When it became obvious that news of Carol Howe's explosive findings might leak out and expose the Clinton Justice Department's false claim that McVeigh was a lone bomber (co-conspirator Nichols was not in Oklahoma City the day of the bombing), retaliation was swift and vicious. The FBI exposed her identity, putting her in mortal danger. Then, both the FBI and ATF refused to bring her in or give her protection, in violation of the terms of her confidential informant agreement (not to mention every moral standard). Amazingly, she survived.
Obsessed with shutting Howe up, the Justice Department then arrested her and put her on trial for the very same undercover activities they had recruited her to perform! In the course of her trial, however, top Justice, FBI, and ATF officials were publicly exposed in flagrante--lying, falsifying, and withholding documents; "losing" documents; and consorting with the enemy.
One of the most stunning revelations to come out of the Howe trial was that Robert Millar, the elderly founder and leader of Elohim City (who, according to the ATF's own records, was urging his followers to engage in violent insurrection against the federal government), was himself a longtime informant for the FBI. But in view of his activities and those he was presiding over at the rural redoubt, it would seem he was more accurately an agent provocateur than an "informant." No wonder Clinton, Reno, and company were pushing so furiously to cover this mess up. At the very least, it provided shocking evidence of incompetence or criminal negligence and malfeasance so egregious and extensive that public exposure could very well cause a wave of outrage that would cause the lopping off of heads all the way up to, and including, the top occupant of the White House.
And Millar was not alone. More and more evidence indicated that some of Elohim City's most notorious frequenters were working for the federal government, including Richard Guthrie, Kevin McCarthy, Shawn Kenny, Dennis Mahon, and German national Andreas Strassmeir. Carol Howe testified that she had seen McVeigh with Strassmeir at Elohim City. FBI phone records show that McVeigh had called the rural compound seeking Strassmeir immediately after placing a call to the Ryder truck rental agency. Oklahoma police records showed that McVeigh had received a traffic ticket very near Elohim City on a back-country road leading to the Aryan community.
Why were the revelations that should have set off alarms and started a media frenzy instead greeted with deafening silence? The Clinton administration and its allies in the Establishment press quickly branded any who challenged the official "McVeigh and Nichols only" scenario as "anti-government fanatics" and "conspiracy wackos" who were trying to exculpate McVeigh.
As in the case of so many other important revelations concerning what was--until 9/11--the deadliest terrorist attack on American soil, the heavy lifting would have to be done not by the Big Media stars, but by a small band of dedicated independent investigators. Perhaps most notable of these were Glenn and Kathy Wilburn, who devoted themselves full-time in pursuit of the truth, pushing tirelessly, relentlessly onward, amassing enormous files and important contacts covering all aspects of the bombing.
I worked with the Wilburns and others too numerous to mention who contributed in countless ways to advance an enormously heroic effort that was fraught with many obstacles. While the Big Media "watchdogs" performed as obedient lapdogs for the Clinton administration's coverup, a small band of resolute truth seekers broke loose one major story after another.
Media Blackout
However, it soon became obvious that no matter how many "smoking guns" we turned up, in the form of eyewitnesses, physical evidence or government documents, ultimately we would have little impact unless we could break through the media blackout and get the facts to a larger American audience. The hostility of the liberal-left Big Media was not the only problem; the cowardice of the "conservatives" was equally, if not more, harmful to our effort to breach the wall of silence.
All too often, I heard from editors and reporters of conservative print and broadcast media, as well as conservative national radio talk-show hosts, words to this effect: "Terrific stuff you're doing on OKC, keep up the good work." However, they were unwilling to risk the wrath of the White House or the Big Media insiders by tackling the issue themselves. Some of them admitted this explicitly, others merely inferred. Even spunky Internet news sites that promote themselves as fearless investigative sources maintained the proverbial "10 foot pole" length from the real Oklahoma bombing story.
This was especially frustrating because, in the effort to get more media firepower directed at the OKC coverup, I did what is unheard of in journalism: I offered editors and reporters who were willing to tackle the issue full access to my documents, as well as to all of my sources and witnesses who were willing to speak to other media. This was no small matter, since quite frequently I was the only one with access to highly coveted documents, sources, and witnesses, many of which were the result of lengthy, laborious, and expensive effort. Moreover, I offered to walk willing reporters through much of the complex, labyrinthine detail in the case. This was like opening up the vault and even helping them load the gold into their vans. It was a can't-resist no-brainer for any serious journalist.
Many responded to a limited extent, cherry-picking irresistible morsels, especially if they tied into an OKC story that was currently hot with the Big Media. But almost no one seemed willing to take up the daunting challenge. One of the most important exceptions to this otherwise dismal response from typical journalists was Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, one of Britain's top reporters and the Washington bureau chief for The Sunday Telegraph.
Mr. Evans-Pritchard contacted me by phone in 1996 during one of my trips to Oklahoma City. He complimented me on my series of articles on the bombing and asked if I'd mind if he jumped into the OKC story. Specifically, he was hoping to contact some of my witnesses. Mind? I was thrilled, I said, noting that I greatly admired the investigative work he was doing on the Vince Foster "suicide," and other scandals that had earned him the ire of the Clinton administration. "I think you're showing that Oklahoma City is a much bigger and more important story than Vince Foster," he said. "Well, welcome aboard," I responded.
Evans-Pritchard's OKC stories in the Telegraph in 1996 and 1997 were picked up by many U.S. media organizations and did much to break down the walls of fear that kept many other reporters from challenging the official lies and coverup about the bombing. His book, The Secret Life of Bill Clinton: The Unreported Stories (1997), which devoted the first seven chapters to Oklahoma City, also provided a tremendous boost to our overall efforts.
He began Chapter 1 with this sentence: "Relaxing on Air Force One after the 1996 elections, Bill Clinton told a pool of reporters that he owed his political revival to the Oklahoma bombing." Evans-Pritchard recounted that Clinton reflected on the country's backlash to his first term, which resulted in the Republican conquest of Congress in 1994. But when the bomb went off, Clinton told the press pool, "It broke a spell in the country as people began searching for our common ground again." In truth, the deadly explosion enabled the president--with the invaluable help of the Establishment press--to skillfully exploit the tragedy to demonize critics of his policies as fellow-travelers with terrorists.
Unfortunately, Evans-Pritchard was transferred back to England in 1997, and no one in the major media of his stature, ability, and fortitude stepped in to continue his important reporting.
Untold Stories
Over the past decade, THE NEW AMERICAN has published scores of stories on the Oklahoma City bombing, many of them major, groundbreaking reports. I think it is not an exaggeration to say that those stories played a significant role in foiling the plans of the Clinton cabal to not only demonize, but actually to criminalize, conservatives and constitutionalists who opposed their police-state agenda. Although virtually all of those stories carry my byline, they were truly collaborative efforts, reflecting the input of many others whom I will never be able adequately to thank.
The Oklahoma City bombing investigation has been the most extensive and expensive effort of this type ever undertaken by THE NEW AMERICAN or its predecessors, American Opinion and The Review of the News. It would not have been possible without the volunteer assistance of bombing survivors, law enforcement personnel, witnesses, and experts in many fields. It also would not have been possible without the security assistance provided by many good friends or the special financial assistance from several major donors, which enabled us to cover the enormous expenses involved in travel, security, copying documents and tapes, and paying for analysis by engineers, laboratories, forensic scientists, and other experts.
Many people are under the mistaken impression that more information about the Oklahoma City bombing serves little purpose, since it has been eclipsed in magnitude, importance and currency by the 9/11 terror attacks. But as we have shown, the 1993 attack on the World Trade Center, the 1995 attack on OKC, and the 9/11 attack are all directly connected. * Understanding the Oklahoma City attack is critical to understanding the others and to strengthening our nation's security in the global war on terror.
Many important stories about the Oklahoma City bombing and 9/11 remain to be told, including several that we have never mentioned but have been investigating and developing for years--and that we hope to soon be able to publish.
* See, for instance, "Al-Qaeda's OKC-9/11 Ties" in our July 26, 2004 issue. This and over 35 other TNA articles on the OKC bombing are available at thenewamerican.com/focus/okc/.
William F. Jasper, a senior editor for THE NEW AMERICAN, has covered terrorism issues for nearly 30 years, including undercover work.
COPYRIGHT 2005 American Opinion Publishing, Inc.
Wednesday, June 11, 2008
David Cole and Bradley Smith on Phil Donahue 1994
Revised Sun Feb 15 13:36:04 EST 2009
This multi-part video was removed by YouTube once, allegedly for "Terms of use violation". It has since been restored by Fredrick Toben. The program is well worth watching because it demonstrates the extent to which emotion and irrationality can prevail over reason and objective evidence. It also exposes how the mainstream media manipulates such discussions in order to promote such collective delusions as "The Holocaust" and the 9/11 official conspiracy theory.
Holocaust Revisionists Bradley Smith and David Cole on the Phil Donahue Show 1994
I know there will be plenty of you who will want to argue and debate on the topic this clip deals with. I would suggest that you take the debate into the forums of the Real Open-Debate on the Holocaust website:
http://www.rodoh.us/
There you will be able to read the various conflicting arguments on this topic and contribute your own arguments to the debate. You also won't have the word limits you have when posting comments on youtube.
Monday, June 02, 2008
Some Recommended 9/11 Resources
Investigate the Henry A. Kissinger Roundtable on Terrorism conducted by the CFR. Note especially the involvement of John O'Neill, Jerome Hauer and Maurice Sonenberg. Sonenberg was Vice Chairman of Bremer's National Commission on Terrorism.
See also Carter, Detuch and Zelikow's Catastrophic Terrorism. See here as well.
The WTC Privatization Agreement is another big clue. It involved Ronald S. Lauder and Larry Silverstein, among others.
Watch: This is an Orange by Anthony Lawson
Watch: Lewis Paul Bremer III on Washington DC NBC4 TV 09/11/01 (Note that Bremer is a lifelong Kissinger gopher).
Watch: Who Killed John O'Neill
Watch: 9/11 Mysteries: Demolitions
Watch: THE TRUTH & LIES OF 9/11 (Mike Ruppert)
Watch: Loose Change the Final Cut
Watch: 9/11 The Myth and the Reality: Dr. David Ray Griffin
Watch: THE SECRET WORLD OF MOHAMED ATTA by Hopsicker
Investigate Urban Moving Systems Inc.
Tarpley's Synthetic Terror: Made in USA is essential reading.
Find out what N900SA, N987SA, N6308F, N4410F mean.
The Political Friendster Aircraft Blotter
This is not a female dog, nor is it a snake:
See also Carter, Detuch and Zelikow's Catastrophic Terrorism. See here as well.
The WTC Privatization Agreement is another big clue. It involved Ronald S. Lauder and Larry Silverstein, among others.
Watch: This is an Orange by Anthony Lawson
Watch: Lewis Paul Bremer III on Washington DC NBC4 TV 09/11/01 (Note that Bremer is a lifelong Kissinger gopher).
Watch: Who Killed John O'Neill
Watch: 9/11 Mysteries: Demolitions
Watch: THE TRUTH & LIES OF 9/11 (Mike Ruppert)
Watch: Loose Change the Final Cut
Watch: 9/11 The Myth and the Reality: Dr. David Ray Griffin
Watch: THE SECRET WORLD OF MOHAMED ATTA by Hopsicker
Investigate Urban Moving Systems Inc.
Tarpley's Synthetic Terror: Made in USA is essential reading.
Find out what N900SA, N987SA, N6308F, N4410F mean.
The Political Friendster Aircraft Blotter
This is not a female dog, nor is it a snake:
Thursday, May 29, 2008
TWA 800 - The Search for the Truth (2002)
This is another major incident in which the evidence seems glaringly contrary to the officially announced conclusion.
TWA 800: The Search for the Truth" examines what happened that July night back in 1996, when TWA Flight 800 took off from Kennedy Airport in New York en route to Paris. Minutes later a series of explosions sent the 747 plunging into the Atlantic Ocean, killing all 230 people aboard. Correspondent Reid Collins, a 30-year veteran of CBS News and CNN, narrates this documentary and interviews eyewitnesses, family members of victims and air-crash investigators who have looked into what happened that night. Was the government correct in its conclusion that a spark in the center-wing fuel tank caused the explosion? Or have government officials covered up important facts about the fate of TWA Flight 800? Could the tragedy have been caused by an Islamic terrorist network? Or did a Naval exercise off the coast of Long Island go terribly wrong? A former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff says he believes the plane was shot down, and numerous military and civilian experts offer their opinions on what may or may not have happened. Watch this compelling and provocative program and decide for yourself. Has the full story been told? Not until now. If copyright becomes an issue on this video upload, it will be deleted immediately. Please rate and comment
Thursday, May 22, 2008
Tortured and murdered in early 2007, longtime CIA Officer describes the Mena Arkansas / Iran-Contra, Clinton-Bush Drug Ring
Tatum began working for the CIA during the war on Viet Nam. He was involved in the Iran-Contra operations, and attested to a considerable amount of firsthand knowledge of drug running as well as other criminal activities involving both William Jefferson Clinton and George Herbert Walker Bush.
This video presents one of the most provocative interviews ever conducted by Ted Gunderson, a retired FBI Senior Special Agent in Charge; it is with Gene "Chip" Tatum, a former CIA Black Ops Assassin who was also an Iran-Contra and OSG2 NWO Insider. In this video, you'll hear Chip discuss his involvement in Operation Red Rock, Task Force 160 and OSG2. Hear him reveal the names of high profile officials who were integrally involved in these CIA covert killing sprees and/or narco-trafficking, directly or indirectly: Oliver "Ollie" North, Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton. You'll learn from an "insider" about outrageous U.S. government felony crime and corruption and the impending New World Order destruction of America. You'll hear his amazing insight concerning the Nixon Administration and the dirty politics of the Vietnam War. This is the last interview prior to his sudden disappearance in 1998. LATEST UPDATE: Chip's tortured body was found in early 2007 washed up on a beach in Panama. http://www.free10dvds.com http://thesenatorhillary.blogspot.com http://www.tedgunderson.com free download of 'The Tatum Chronicles:' http://www.scribd.com/doc/1434148/The-Tatum-Chronicles free download of the book 'Nixon's Darkest Secret' (Operation Red Rock) http://www.scribd.com/doc/520461/Nixons-Darkest-Secret free download of the court transcripts from Tatum's C.I.P.A. briefing: http://www.scribd.com/doc/504636/USA-vs-Chip-TatumCIPA-Briefing-Transcripts free download of Nexus magazine interview of Chip Tatum: http://www.scribd.com/doc/504761/The-Pegasus-Fileex-CIA-deep-cover-agent-Tatum-interviewed1 of 8
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Friday, May 16, 2008
Stephen E. Herbits the Gay Zionist Republicrat Pentagon Insider
This is a post intended as a reply to how they get away with it in the discussion of Clout! Month of Truth: Week 3. After repeatedly attempting to submit the post it became evident that the content is being rejected.
As Hankey rightly suggests in 9-11 Justice, the people responsible for office assignments at the Pentagon prior to 9/11 should be identified and investigated. I would start with Stephen E. Herbits
who was instrumental in the Bush administration's Pentagon transition.
Herbits is also a lifelong Bronfman Lieutenant.
At the Pentagon he handled transitions for Defense Secretaries Weinberger, Cheney and Rumsfeld, and was responsible for key pre-9/11 personnel assignments in the DoD. He left his post as a Rumsfeld advisor in the spring of 2001, but returned to the Pentagon to play a key role in the run-up to the war of aggression against Iraq. He was instrumental in getting lifelong Kissinger Lieutenant and prime 9/11 terrorist suspect, Lewis Paul Bremer III assigned to the position of Procounsel over Iraq, after his first suggestion of Wolfowitz was rejected. Herbits also provided unspecified consulting services to the IDF.
Long before Elliot Spitzer got caught with his pants down, Spitzer had probed the financial shenanigans at the World Jewish Congress which led to Bronfman and Herbits stepping down.
Elliot Spitzer
Bronfman was succeeded as President of the World Jewish Congress by Ronald S. Lauder
Lauder Chaired Privatization Council responsible for July 24, 2001 privatization of the WTC
This agreement handed control of the WTC over to Larry Sliverstein
Ironically, lifelong Republican and "[o]utgoing World Jewish Congress secretary-general and prominent gay rights activist Stephen Herbits will lead Hillary Clinton's campaign within the gay and lesbian community, as she seeks to win the Democrat presidential nomination."
I couldn't make this sh!t up if I wanted to!
"I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man." ~ Thomas Jefferson
As Hankey rightly suggests in 9-11 Justice, the people responsible for office assignments at the Pentagon prior to 9/11 should be identified and investigated. I would start with Stephen E. Herbits
who was instrumental in the Bush administration's Pentagon transition.
Herbits is also a lifelong Bronfman Lieutenant.
At the Pentagon he handled transitions for Defense Secretaries Weinberger, Cheney and Rumsfeld, and was responsible for key pre-9/11 personnel assignments in the DoD. He left his post as a Rumsfeld advisor in the spring of 2001, but returned to the Pentagon to play a key role in the run-up to the war of aggression against Iraq. He was instrumental in getting lifelong Kissinger Lieutenant and prime 9/11 terrorist suspect, Lewis Paul Bremer III assigned to the position of Procounsel over Iraq, after his first suggestion of Wolfowitz was rejected. Herbits also provided unspecified consulting services to the IDF.
Long before Elliot Spitzer got caught with his pants down, Spitzer had probed the financial shenanigans at the World Jewish Congress which led to Bronfman and Herbits stepping down.
Elliot Spitzer
Bronfman was succeeded as President of the World Jewish Congress by Ronald S. Lauder
Lauder Chaired Privatization Council responsible for July 24, 2001 privatization of the WTC
This agreement handed control of the WTC over to Larry Sliverstein
Ironically, lifelong Republican and "[o]utgoing World Jewish Congress secretary-general and prominent gay rights activist Stephen Herbits will lead Hillary Clinton's campaign within the gay and lesbian community, as she seeks to win the Democrat presidential nomination."
I couldn't make this sh!t up if I wanted to!
"I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man." ~ Thomas Jefferson
Sunday, May 11, 2008
Project Monarch: The Most Dangerous Game
Part 1
Part 2
WARNING! Graphic, disturbing contentMk Ultra Project Monarch survivor, Cathy O'Brien, tells her story of government sponsored trauma based mind control. Cathy O'Brien is the only vocal and recovered survivor of the Central Intelligence Agency's MK-Ultra Project Monarch operation. Tracing her path from child pornography and recruitment into the program to serving as a top-level intelligence agent and White House sex slave
We have maintained a measure of skepticism regarding this story. It seems too outlandish to be true. On the other hand, the evidence of genital mutilation presented in the second video is certainly persuasive. We also have to ask why anybody would concoct such a tale if it were not true.
Saturday, May 03, 2008
Mysterious Killing of CIA's Roland Carnaby
We have not investigated this matter much, but this video footage is worth sharing. It makes the case that Carnaby was with the CIA almost irrefutable. The report states that "Investigators say that he had everyone who knew him fooled." The evidence shown is virtually overwhelming to support his family's contention that he was with the CIA.
Wednesday, April 30, 2008
EXPLOSIVE TRUTH ABOUT PEARL HARBOR: THE STORY THE REST OF THE MEDIA WON’T TELL
Originally appeared in the January 1984 issue of Hustler
REPORT BY JOSEPH LEIB
There was an eerie calm over Hawaii that morning. Perhaps it was a silent warning of what was to come. On every prior Sunday, for nearly two months, U.S. Navy carrier-based fliers posing as enemy aviators had conducted mock bombing raids while Army antiaircraft batteries directed simulated fire in defense of the island. Just a week earlier the sky over Oahu has resembled a three-ring circus as Navy planes circled, dove and buzzed the decks of the mighty Pacific Fleet’s warships lying in anchor at Pearl Harbor.
But Sunday, December 7, 1941, was different. With just a few exceptions nearly all the Navy’s and the Army’s aircraft were on the ground. No army gunners were ready at their posts. Not a single Navy reconnaissance plane was in the air. Instead, the fighters, bombers, patrol planes, transports and trainers were carefully lined up on runway aprons - wing to wing, tip to tip, in perfect target position.
The sailors of the fleet were also unaware that the clear blue sky above would soon begin raining death and destruction on their gently lolling ships. Except for the carriers Enterprise and Lexington - which were at sea along with a few heavy cruisers and destroyers - virtually the entire Pacific Fleet was in the harbor.
Curiously, though the USS Ward reported sinking a submarine in the prohibited area off Pearl at 6:45 a.m., no alert was sounded. Instead, each vessel’s crew routinely prepared for Sunday religious services.
Aboard the battlewagon USS Arizona the members of the band were excused from performing at morning muster since they had won second place in a contest the night before. They snoozed contentedly, little knowing that their bunks would soon become their eternal resting place and the ship their tomb.
At 7:50 a.m. swarms of Japanese planes swept over the island. From the north, bombers roared over the Army’s Schofield Barracks and past Wheeler Field toward the fleet. Another force came from the east, attacking Kaneohe Field, then Bellows Field and on to the harbor. From the south a third group of planes pock-marked Hickam Air Field with bomb craters and ignited a chain of exploding U.S. planes before continuing toward the helplessly moored warships.
In rapid succession the battleship USS Utah and the light cruiser USS Raleigh were struck by torpedoes from the diving Japanese planes. A single torpedo crippled both the Oglala and the Helena. Moments later an 1,800-pound bomb penetrated the Arizona’s deck and ignited fuel and ammunition caches below, sending more than a thousand sailors and Marines aboard her to a watery grave.
Wave after wave of Japanese planes descended on the harbor, bombing, strafing and torpedoing their targets. By 11 a.m. the attack was over; only the flotsam and jetsam of a once-mighty fleet was left bobbing in its wake.
A terrible price in lives and equipment had been paid. More than 2,400 men were killed outright or died of their wounds soon after. Another 1,178 were wounded. A total of 18 vessels - eight battleships, three light cruisers, three destroyers and four auxiliary ships - were either sunk or knocked out of commission. Eighty-seven naval aircraft were also destroyed along with 77 Army planes.
Equally devastating, the pride of the U.S. Navy also sank that morning. By contrast, the Japanese lost only 29 planes, one attack submarine and five midget subs in their daring raid.
As news about the attack flashed across the nation, Americans reacted with shock, fear and then rage and anger. Yet, as emotions calmed, the inevitable questions were raised.
How could the Japanese fleet sail across the Pacific without detection? Where did Japan obtain the detailed information about the deployment of U.S. forces on Oahu? Why were our ships and planes lined up so neatly together, inviting attack? How could our fighting forces be caught so off-guard? How could they be taken so totally by surprise?
Today, more than four decades later, some of those questions can now be answered. Most of the players in the tragic drama staged at Pearl Harbor are dead now, their terrible secrets taken with them to the grave. There is little owed to them. A far greater debt must be paid to historical truth.
Within hours of the attack on Pearl Harbor, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt was hand-correcting a speech he planned to deliver the next evening before a joint session of Congress. That draft is among my most prized possessions. In faded pencil, is the unmistakable scrawl of Roosevelt, inserting a word there, a phrase there.
The next day, the third-term President gave one of his best-remembered addresses. In his lilting, sing-song cadence, Roosevelt called the grieving nation to arms. He labeled December 7, 1941, as “a date which will live in infamy.” His words were so carefully crafted and eloquent, it was difficult to believe he had managed to compose them in the haste and confusion following the attack.
In fact, the treachery of our nation’s leader rivaled that of the Japanese. Roosevelt had labored on the speech for days. He knew well in advance that the Japanese were planning a sneak attack. He knew to the day, almost to the hour, when the assault on Pearl Harbor would begin. December 7, 1941, held no surprises for Roosevelt, nor for me.
A full week earlier, on November 29, I learned about the impending attack from an unlikely source - Cordell Hull, Roosevelt’s own secretary of state. To put the matter into proper perspective, I should explain how and why Hull came to entrust me with the terrible secret of Pearl Harbor.
I arrived in Washington, D.C., on the same train that carried President-elect Roosevelt in March 1933. Though I was only 22 at the time, I moved comfortably within the ranks of movers and shakers who were soon to inherit the reins of government.
My credentials among the Roosevelt crowd were impeccable. I had organized the first Roosevelt for President Club three years earlier in my hometown of South Bend, Indiana, while FDR himself was still running for reelection as governor of New York. By the end of 1930 I was directing active clubs in 21 states.
Prior to the Democratic National Convention of 1932 I convinced House Speaker John Nance Garner to issue public statements that he was not a candidate for the Presidency, and helped head off the “Stop Roosevelt” bloc within the party. As sort of a thank-you, Democratic National Committee Chairman Jim Farley arranged a brief visit with Roosevelt at the governor’s mansion in Albany. At a private meeting with FDR following his victorious election he suggested I select a post in his administration and submit my application directly to him after the Inaugural on March 4, 1933.
Though I had proven my political savvy during the long Roosevelt Presidential campaign, I knew little about the machinery of the government itself. I was caught on the horns of a dilemma. Here I was, presented with an opportunity to pick nearly any job in the administration I desired short of a Cabinet post, and I couldn’t decide. I wanted a job where I could meet people and rub shoulders with the power-brokers, something in public relations.
Finally, a few weeks after he formally took office, I wrote to Roosevelt and asked for an appointment as chief of the passport division under the jurisdiction of the newly appointed secretary of state, Tennessee Senator Cordell Hull. By March 27, Louie Howe, Roosevelt’s closest confidant, had forwarded my request to the State Department, and within a few days Hull himself telephoned to suggest I drop by his office.
Tall and distinguished, with thick-tufted brows poised above kindly eyes, Cordell Hull cut an imposing figure. He had the carriage and bearing of a king; yet he never forgot his Tennessee hill-country origins.
With a sincere twinge of sorrow in his voice Hull explained that the job I sought was held by a career civil servant who could not legally be removed, and asked whether I would be interested in an appointment as special assistant to the woman who currently held the post. After considering his offer for a few days, I thanked Hull for his time and attention but declined the position. The papers were full of rumors of sex scandals within the State Department, and I decided that that agency probably shouldn’t serve as my initiation into government service. My meetings with Hull, however, began a cordial, respectful relationship that was to last throughout his nearly 12 years as secretary of state.
Over the next few years I moved through several of the “alphabet soup” agencies President Roosevelt created to focus government attention on the nation’s depressed economy. At the National Recovery Administration I managed to obtain the participation of the Du Pont Corporation in the NRA’s work. But soon I recognized that the restrictive codes and regulations imposed by the administration were driving small Mom-and-Pop businesses into bankruptcy and launching chains of conglomerates that changed the very face of American retailing.
Next I began handling complaints for the Agriculture Adjustment Administration (AAA) until I witnessed the deliberate slaughter of hogs to keep pork production down. While millions of families starved and begged for food, the government was directing the destruction of crops, dairy products and animals to prop up prices!
I resigned in protest and took a post in the Treasury Department, which wasn’t much of an improvement. As chief of correspondence of the emergency-accounts section in the department’s procurement division, I could watch from a front-row seat while tax dollars were squandered on outrageous programs and federal agencies paid exorbitant sums for equipment that could have been purchased at half the price on the open market.
I argued until I was blue in the face, but it was all to no avail. The fix was in. I finally figured that government service was not for me.
Over the next months I began working as a freelance writer for the New York Herald-Tribune, the Pittsburgh Press and the Paul Block newspaper chain, among others. I also worked for a number of congressmen, writing speeches, handling their public relations and investigating issues.
Meanwhile, Roosevelt was finding that his smooth-sailing ship of state had run into some rough water. The Supreme Court declared both the NRA and the AAA unconstitutional and challenged other parts of Roosevelt’s New Deal program.
Roosevelt, of course, fought back. He began behind-the-scenes maneuvers to purge members of the Senate who opposed his pet projects, and blatantly tried to pack the Supreme Court with justices who would be subservient to his whims. For me that was the last straw. I publicly broke with the President and began directing my efforts against his tyrannical plans.
At the height of the controversy I wrote to Supreme Court Justice James C. McReynolds and questioned him about the rumors circulating in the capital that he intended to retire. McReynolds advised me in his reply to “disregard” all the talk about his resignation, and I leaked the text of the letter to my friend Lyle Wilson, Washington bureau chief of United Press. The story put a damper on Roosevelt’s court-packing plan and spelled defeat for his judicial reorganization proposal in Congress.
Only nine months after FDR took the oath of office for his second term as President, I continued my assault by revealing in the New York Herald-Tribune on October 31, 1937, that Roosevelt was hoping for a war in Europe so that he could sidestep the Constitutional provision limiting a President to eight years in office and seek an unprecedented third term. The story was later reprinted in full in the Congressional Record, only weeks before the election in 1940.
Of course, my organizing activities against Roosevelt earned me his undying hatred, just as my efforts in his behalf a decade earlier had won his friendship. But it was clear he had become a demagogue and wanted to be a sort of king or a president-for-life. I was not alone in that assessment, and my opposition to a third term for Roosevelt also gained for me the fellowship of many politicians and even the grudging admiration of one of Roosevelt’s own Cabinet secretaries, Cordell Hull.
For decades Hull had toiled in service to the nation. He volunteered for duty in Cuba during the Spanish-American War, and upon his return he rode the Tennessee hills as a circuit judge. He was elected to Congress in 1907, and he remained there until Roosevelt beckoned him in 1933.
Between 1921 and 1924 he had paid his political dues serving as chairman of the Democratic National Committee. As secretary of state, he suffered in silence while Roosevelt used Undersecretary Sumner Welles - a closet bisexual - to direct foreign policy from the White House, undercutting Hull at every turn.
At first, Hull had ample reason to be patient. He wanted to be President and told me later that Roosevelt had secretly promised Hull not to seek reelection to a third term. Roosevelt, Hull claimed, had even vowed to support him for the Democratic nomination. But unknown to Hull at the time, FDR had made the same guarantee to a score of others.
Months went by - crucial organizing months - while Roosevelt refused to discuss the issue of a third term publicly. Finally, when FDR made his move, Hull realized he had been betrayed. By the time Roosevelt’s third term ended in 1944, Hull would be 72 - too old, he figured, for a tough race for the White House.
Early in 1941 I came upon some incredible information that, if true, could have badly tarnished Hull’s shining political image. Remembering his personal kindness years before, I wrote to the secretary of state and requested a private audience.
Independently, I managed to confirm the gist of the story that concerted events dating back to the beginnings of Hull’s career in public life. My intention was merely to get a statement from the secretary of state and then publish the story. In a series of meetings over the following weeks Hull acknowledged the truth of what I had discovered.
The scene of our meeting in Hull’s office is still etched deeply in my memory: the courtly secretary of state, hunched over in despair, sobbing and pleading with me to keep the story secret. As Hull related to me the difficult circumstances Roosevelt had placed him in, I began to understand the sorrow and anguish he had suffered. He’d had enough, I decided. I promised Hull never to reveal the information I had obtained, and I have kept that confidence to this day.
Hull told me he never forgave Roosevelt for double-crossing him in 1939; yet he remained in office, cautiously and carefully tying to hold together the fabric of U.S. foreign policy. Hull knew he was the only man in the New Deal Cabinet who had the power and stature to blow the whistle on Roosevelt’s chicanery. But he remained a loyalist for the good of the nation. It was clear that war clouds were on the horizon and that a political crisis in the United States could only benefit the enemies of democracy.
It was in this volatile and uncertain atmosphere that Cordell Hull telephoned me early on Saturday, November 29, 1941, and asked me to see him in person as soon as possible. He wanted to discuss a matter of extreme importance with me, and it was a subject of such sensitivity, it could not be talked about on the phone. There was an obvious note of urgency in his high-pitched voice, and I quickly agreed.
We met outside the State Department (then housed in what is now known as the Old Executive Office Building next door to the White House), and after exchanging brief hellos, walked briskly across the street to Lafayette Park. As we sat on a bench, Hull was fidgeting nervously, betraying the emotions usually masked by his cool demeanor. Suddenly, he burst into tears, and his lanky figure shuddered.
I resisted an impulse to drape my arm around his shoulder and waited patiently for him to regain his composure. Sucking in great gasps of air, Hull began to talk. His words came slowly at first and then fairly streamed from his mouth. It was as if he could barely wait to pronounce them he was so anxious to tell the story.
I could only sit in startled silence as Hull told me Japan was going to attack Pearl Harbor within a few days, and pulled from his inside coat pocket a transcript of Japanese radio intercepts detailing the plan. Recovering from my shock, I began to question him.
“Why are you telling me this?” I blurted out. “Why don’t you hold a press conference and issue a warning?”
“I don’t know anyone else I can trust,” he replied, shaking his head. “I’ve confided in some of your colleagues in the past, but they’ve always gotten me into hot water. You’ve had the goods on me for months; yet you’ve kept your promise not to publish them. You’re the only one I can turn to.”
“Does the President know the Japs are going to attack Pearl Harbor?”
“Of course he does. He’s fully aware of the plans. So is Hoover at the FBI. Roosevelt and I got into a terrible argument, but he refuses to do anything about it. He wants us in this war, and an attack in Hawaii will give him just the opportunity. That’s why I can’t hold a press conference. I’d be denounced by the White House. No one would believe me!”
(Hull’s allegations about FBI complicity in the coverup were confirmed more than a month after Pearl Harbor. A bylined article by United Press reporter Fred Mullen in the Washington Times-Herald declared, “FBI Told Army Japs Planned Honolulu Raid.” The article explained that the bureau had intercepted a radio-telephone conversation on December 5, which mentioned details of the planned raid. Within hours of publication Hoover pressured the newspaper into pulling the story from its later editions.)
After exacting a promise from me never to reveal where I got the document, Hull gave me a transcript of the Japanese message intercepts. I nearly ran the few short blocks to the National Press Building on 14th Street, where I had an office. I took the elevator up to the United Press bureau and brushed past the clerks and reporters into Lyle Wilson’s private office.
Wilson was a longtime friend who had used many of my stories in the past. He was also a chum of Steve Early, Roosevelt’s press secretary; so I swore him to secrecy before I would reveal the purpose of my visit.
I told Wilson I had just left a high governmental official who gave me unimpeachable evidence that Pearl Harbor was about to be attacked and that Roosevelt knew all about it. Wilson was incredulous. He told me my story was simply unbelievable and refused to put it on the United Press wire. Again I made Wilson swear an oath that he would not divulge what I had told him, and I hurried out of his office.
After a frantic series of calls I finally located Harry Frantz, until recently the cable editor of United Press. Harry still had excellent connections at the bureau, and he managed to transmit the story on the UP foreign cable - but not the syndicate’s main trunk line.
Though written in haste, the story as it left Washington contained all the important details of what Hull had confided to me earlier that morning. Yet, somehow, the text was garbled in transmission.
The only newspaper in the whole world to use any portion of the story was the Honolulu Advertiser. A front-page banner headline in the paper the morning of Sunday, November 30, “JAPANESE MAY ATTACK OVER WEEKEND!” A subhead noted, “Hawaii Troops Alerted”.
Suspiciously, the story didn’t mention that the target of the Japanese attack would be Pearl Harbor itself. The horrible cost paid for that simple omission is well-known.
The gloomy news of the calamity at Pearl Harbor descended on Washington like a pall. A couple of days later Lyle Wilson phoned and asked me to come to the bureau. As I walked into his private office, he handed me Roosevelt’s personally edited press release about the “surprise offensive,” saying simply, “I want you to have this.”
“Why are you giving this to me?” I inquired. “It will probably be recorded as the most famous speech Roosevelt ever gave!”
“Steve Early gave it to me,” he replied. “You see, I told him I knew about the attack and didn’t use the story. It was Early’s way of saying thanks. I muffed the most important story of my career. We might have saved thousands of lives.”
Wilson slumped behind his desk and buried his face in his hands. Clutching FDR’s press release, I sat in an empty chair and wept.
See also:
World Jewish Congress FDR & WWII.
REPORT BY JOSEPH LEIB
What you’re about to read will amaze and astound you. More than 40 years after Japan’s cowardly sneak attack on Pearl Harbor, HUSTLER has uncovered unquestionable factual evidence that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt knew almost to the hour when the Japanese assault would begin - and deliberately did nothing to prevent it. In fact, he had been working on his celebrated “Date Which Will Live in Infamy” speech several days before swarms of Jap bombers and fighter planes demolished the U.S. fleet and killed in excess of 2,400 American citizens. Now, for the first time, HUSTLER reveals the incredibly sordid story of how our 32nd President sold his country down the river.
There was an eerie calm over Hawaii that morning. Perhaps it was a silent warning of what was to come. On every prior Sunday, for nearly two months, U.S. Navy carrier-based fliers posing as enemy aviators had conducted mock bombing raids while Army antiaircraft batteries directed simulated fire in defense of the island. Just a week earlier the sky over Oahu has resembled a three-ring circus as Navy planes circled, dove and buzzed the decks of the mighty Pacific Fleet’s warships lying in anchor at Pearl Harbor.
But Sunday, December 7, 1941, was different. With just a few exceptions nearly all the Navy’s and the Army’s aircraft were on the ground. No army gunners were ready at their posts. Not a single Navy reconnaissance plane was in the air. Instead, the fighters, bombers, patrol planes, transports and trainers were carefully lined up on runway aprons - wing to wing, tip to tip, in perfect target position.
The sailors of the fleet were also unaware that the clear blue sky above would soon begin raining death and destruction on their gently lolling ships. Except for the carriers Enterprise and Lexington - which were at sea along with a few heavy cruisers and destroyers - virtually the entire Pacific Fleet was in the harbor.
Curiously, though the USS Ward reported sinking a submarine in the prohibited area off Pearl at 6:45 a.m., no alert was sounded. Instead, each vessel’s crew routinely prepared for Sunday religious services.
Aboard the battlewagon USS Arizona the members of the band were excused from performing at morning muster since they had won second place in a contest the night before. They snoozed contentedly, little knowing that their bunks would soon become their eternal resting place and the ship their tomb.
At 7:50 a.m. swarms of Japanese planes swept over the island. From the north, bombers roared over the Army’s Schofield Barracks and past Wheeler Field toward the fleet. Another force came from the east, attacking Kaneohe Field, then Bellows Field and on to the harbor. From the south a third group of planes pock-marked Hickam Air Field with bomb craters and ignited a chain of exploding U.S. planes before continuing toward the helplessly moored warships.
In rapid succession the battleship USS Utah and the light cruiser USS Raleigh were struck by torpedoes from the diving Japanese planes. A single torpedo crippled both the Oglala and the Helena. Moments later an 1,800-pound bomb penetrated the Arizona’s deck and ignited fuel and ammunition caches below, sending more than a thousand sailors and Marines aboard her to a watery grave.
Wave after wave of Japanese planes descended on the harbor, bombing, strafing and torpedoing their targets. By 11 a.m. the attack was over; only the flotsam and jetsam of a once-mighty fleet was left bobbing in its wake.
A terrible price in lives and equipment had been paid. More than 2,400 men were killed outright or died of their wounds soon after. Another 1,178 were wounded. A total of 18 vessels - eight battleships, three light cruisers, three destroyers and four auxiliary ships - were either sunk or knocked out of commission. Eighty-seven naval aircraft were also destroyed along with 77 Army planes.
Equally devastating, the pride of the U.S. Navy also sank that morning. By contrast, the Japanese lost only 29 planes, one attack submarine and five midget subs in their daring raid.
As news about the attack flashed across the nation, Americans reacted with shock, fear and then rage and anger. Yet, as emotions calmed, the inevitable questions were raised.
How could the Japanese fleet sail across the Pacific without detection? Where did Japan obtain the detailed information about the deployment of U.S. forces on Oahu? Why were our ships and planes lined up so neatly together, inviting attack? How could our fighting forces be caught so off-guard? How could they be taken so totally by surprise?
Today, more than four decades later, some of those questions can now be answered. Most of the players in the tragic drama staged at Pearl Harbor are dead now, their terrible secrets taken with them to the grave. There is little owed to them. A far greater debt must be paid to historical truth.
Within hours of the attack on Pearl Harbor, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt was hand-correcting a speech he planned to deliver the next evening before a joint session of Congress. That draft is among my most prized possessions. In faded pencil, is the unmistakable scrawl of Roosevelt, inserting a word there, a phrase there.
The next day, the third-term President gave one of his best-remembered addresses. In his lilting, sing-song cadence, Roosevelt called the grieving nation to arms. He labeled December 7, 1941, as “a date which will live in infamy.” His words were so carefully crafted and eloquent, it was difficult to believe he had managed to compose them in the haste and confusion following the attack.
In fact, the treachery of our nation’s leader rivaled that of the Japanese. Roosevelt had labored on the speech for days. He knew well in advance that the Japanese were planning a sneak attack. He knew to the day, almost to the hour, when the assault on Pearl Harbor would begin. December 7, 1941, held no surprises for Roosevelt, nor for me.
A full week earlier, on November 29, I learned about the impending attack from an unlikely source - Cordell Hull, Roosevelt’s own secretary of state. To put the matter into proper perspective, I should explain how and why Hull came to entrust me with the terrible secret of Pearl Harbor.
I arrived in Washington, D.C., on the same train that carried President-elect Roosevelt in March 1933. Though I was only 22 at the time, I moved comfortably within the ranks of movers and shakers who were soon to inherit the reins of government.
My credentials among the Roosevelt crowd were impeccable. I had organized the first Roosevelt for President Club three years earlier in my hometown of South Bend, Indiana, while FDR himself was still running for reelection as governor of New York. By the end of 1930 I was directing active clubs in 21 states.
Prior to the Democratic National Convention of 1932 I convinced House Speaker John Nance Garner to issue public statements that he was not a candidate for the Presidency, and helped head off the “Stop Roosevelt” bloc within the party. As sort of a thank-you, Democratic National Committee Chairman Jim Farley arranged a brief visit with Roosevelt at the governor’s mansion in Albany. At a private meeting with FDR following his victorious election he suggested I select a post in his administration and submit my application directly to him after the Inaugural on March 4, 1933.
Though I had proven my political savvy during the long Roosevelt Presidential campaign, I knew little about the machinery of the government itself. I was caught on the horns of a dilemma. Here I was, presented with an opportunity to pick nearly any job in the administration I desired short of a Cabinet post, and I couldn’t decide. I wanted a job where I could meet people and rub shoulders with the power-brokers, something in public relations.
Finally, a few weeks after he formally took office, I wrote to Roosevelt and asked for an appointment as chief of the passport division under the jurisdiction of the newly appointed secretary of state, Tennessee Senator Cordell Hull. By March 27, Louie Howe, Roosevelt’s closest confidant, had forwarded my request to the State Department, and within a few days Hull himself telephoned to suggest I drop by his office.
Tall and distinguished, with thick-tufted brows poised above kindly eyes, Cordell Hull cut an imposing figure. He had the carriage and bearing of a king; yet he never forgot his Tennessee hill-country origins.
With a sincere twinge of sorrow in his voice Hull explained that the job I sought was held by a career civil servant who could not legally be removed, and asked whether I would be interested in an appointment as special assistant to the woman who currently held the post. After considering his offer for a few days, I thanked Hull for his time and attention but declined the position. The papers were full of rumors of sex scandals within the State Department, and I decided that that agency probably shouldn’t serve as my initiation into government service. My meetings with Hull, however, began a cordial, respectful relationship that was to last throughout his nearly 12 years as secretary of state.
Over the next few years I moved through several of the “alphabet soup” agencies President Roosevelt created to focus government attention on the nation’s depressed economy. At the National Recovery Administration I managed to obtain the participation of the Du Pont Corporation in the NRA’s work. But soon I recognized that the restrictive codes and regulations imposed by the administration were driving small Mom-and-Pop businesses into bankruptcy and launching chains of conglomerates that changed the very face of American retailing.
Next I began handling complaints for the Agriculture Adjustment Administration (AAA) until I witnessed the deliberate slaughter of hogs to keep pork production down. While millions of families starved and begged for food, the government was directing the destruction of crops, dairy products and animals to prop up prices!
I resigned in protest and took a post in the Treasury Department, which wasn’t much of an improvement. As chief of correspondence of the emergency-accounts section in the department’s procurement division, I could watch from a front-row seat while tax dollars were squandered on outrageous programs and federal agencies paid exorbitant sums for equipment that could have been purchased at half the price on the open market.
I argued until I was blue in the face, but it was all to no avail. The fix was in. I finally figured that government service was not for me.
Over the next months I began working as a freelance writer for the New York Herald-Tribune, the Pittsburgh Press and the Paul Block newspaper chain, among others. I also worked for a number of congressmen, writing speeches, handling their public relations and investigating issues.
Meanwhile, Roosevelt was finding that his smooth-sailing ship of state had run into some rough water. The Supreme Court declared both the NRA and the AAA unconstitutional and challenged other parts of Roosevelt’s New Deal program.
Roosevelt, of course, fought back. He began behind-the-scenes maneuvers to purge members of the Senate who opposed his pet projects, and blatantly tried to pack the Supreme Court with justices who would be subservient to his whims. For me that was the last straw. I publicly broke with the President and began directing my efforts against his tyrannical plans.
At the height of the controversy I wrote to Supreme Court Justice James C. McReynolds and questioned him about the rumors circulating in the capital that he intended to retire. McReynolds advised me in his reply to “disregard” all the talk about his resignation, and I leaked the text of the letter to my friend Lyle Wilson, Washington bureau chief of United Press. The story put a damper on Roosevelt’s court-packing plan and spelled defeat for his judicial reorganization proposal in Congress.
Only nine months after FDR took the oath of office for his second term as President, I continued my assault by revealing in the New York Herald-Tribune on October 31, 1937, that Roosevelt was hoping for a war in Europe so that he could sidestep the Constitutional provision limiting a President to eight years in office and seek an unprecedented third term. The story was later reprinted in full in the Congressional Record, only weeks before the election in 1940.
Of course, my organizing activities against Roosevelt earned me his undying hatred, just as my efforts in his behalf a decade earlier had won his friendship. But it was clear he had become a demagogue and wanted to be a sort of king or a president-for-life. I was not alone in that assessment, and my opposition to a third term for Roosevelt also gained for me the fellowship of many politicians and even the grudging admiration of one of Roosevelt’s own Cabinet secretaries, Cordell Hull.
For decades Hull had toiled in service to the nation. He volunteered for duty in Cuba during the Spanish-American War, and upon his return he rode the Tennessee hills as a circuit judge. He was elected to Congress in 1907, and he remained there until Roosevelt beckoned him in 1933.
Between 1921 and 1924 he had paid his political dues serving as chairman of the Democratic National Committee. As secretary of state, he suffered in silence while Roosevelt used Undersecretary Sumner Welles - a closet bisexual - to direct foreign policy from the White House, undercutting Hull at every turn.
At first, Hull had ample reason to be patient. He wanted to be President and told me later that Roosevelt had secretly promised Hull not to seek reelection to a third term. Roosevelt, Hull claimed, had even vowed to support him for the Democratic nomination. But unknown to Hull at the time, FDR had made the same guarantee to a score of others.
Months went by - crucial organizing months - while Roosevelt refused to discuss the issue of a third term publicly. Finally, when FDR made his move, Hull realized he had been betrayed. By the time Roosevelt’s third term ended in 1944, Hull would be 72 - too old, he figured, for a tough race for the White House.
Early in 1941 I came upon some incredible information that, if true, could have badly tarnished Hull’s shining political image. Remembering his personal kindness years before, I wrote to the secretary of state and requested a private audience.
Independently, I managed to confirm the gist of the story that concerted events dating back to the beginnings of Hull’s career in public life. My intention was merely to get a statement from the secretary of state and then publish the story. In a series of meetings over the following weeks Hull acknowledged the truth of what I had discovered.
The scene of our meeting in Hull’s office is still etched deeply in my memory: the courtly secretary of state, hunched over in despair, sobbing and pleading with me to keep the story secret. As Hull related to me the difficult circumstances Roosevelt had placed him in, I began to understand the sorrow and anguish he had suffered. He’d had enough, I decided. I promised Hull never to reveal the information I had obtained, and I have kept that confidence to this day.
Hull told me he never forgave Roosevelt for double-crossing him in 1939; yet he remained in office, cautiously and carefully tying to hold together the fabric of U.S. foreign policy. Hull knew he was the only man in the New Deal Cabinet who had the power and stature to blow the whistle on Roosevelt’s chicanery. But he remained a loyalist for the good of the nation. It was clear that war clouds were on the horizon and that a political crisis in the United States could only benefit the enemies of democracy.
It was in this volatile and uncertain atmosphere that Cordell Hull telephoned me early on Saturday, November 29, 1941, and asked me to see him in person as soon as possible. He wanted to discuss a matter of extreme importance with me, and it was a subject of such sensitivity, it could not be talked about on the phone. There was an obvious note of urgency in his high-pitched voice, and I quickly agreed.
We met outside the State Department (then housed in what is now known as the Old Executive Office Building next door to the White House), and after exchanging brief hellos, walked briskly across the street to Lafayette Park. As we sat on a bench, Hull was fidgeting nervously, betraying the emotions usually masked by his cool demeanor. Suddenly, he burst into tears, and his lanky figure shuddered.
I resisted an impulse to drape my arm around his shoulder and waited patiently for him to regain his composure. Sucking in great gasps of air, Hull began to talk. His words came slowly at first and then fairly streamed from his mouth. It was as if he could barely wait to pronounce them he was so anxious to tell the story.
I could only sit in startled silence as Hull told me Japan was going to attack Pearl Harbor within a few days, and pulled from his inside coat pocket a transcript of Japanese radio intercepts detailing the plan. Recovering from my shock, I began to question him.
“Why are you telling me this?” I blurted out. “Why don’t you hold a press conference and issue a warning?”
“I don’t know anyone else I can trust,” he replied, shaking his head. “I’ve confided in some of your colleagues in the past, but they’ve always gotten me into hot water. You’ve had the goods on me for months; yet you’ve kept your promise not to publish them. You’re the only one I can turn to.”
“Does the President know the Japs are going to attack Pearl Harbor?”
“Of course he does. He’s fully aware of the plans. So is Hoover at the FBI. Roosevelt and I got into a terrible argument, but he refuses to do anything about it. He wants us in this war, and an attack in Hawaii will give him just the opportunity. That’s why I can’t hold a press conference. I’d be denounced by the White House. No one would believe me!”
(Hull’s allegations about FBI complicity in the coverup were confirmed more than a month after Pearl Harbor. A bylined article by United Press reporter Fred Mullen in the Washington Times-Herald declared, “FBI Told Army Japs Planned Honolulu Raid.” The article explained that the bureau had intercepted a radio-telephone conversation on December 5, which mentioned details of the planned raid. Within hours of publication Hoover pressured the newspaper into pulling the story from its later editions.)
After exacting a promise from me never to reveal where I got the document, Hull gave me a transcript of the Japanese message intercepts. I nearly ran the few short blocks to the National Press Building on 14th Street, where I had an office. I took the elevator up to the United Press bureau and brushed past the clerks and reporters into Lyle Wilson’s private office.
Wilson was a longtime friend who had used many of my stories in the past. He was also a chum of Steve Early, Roosevelt’s press secretary; so I swore him to secrecy before I would reveal the purpose of my visit.
I told Wilson I had just left a high governmental official who gave me unimpeachable evidence that Pearl Harbor was about to be attacked and that Roosevelt knew all about it. Wilson was incredulous. He told me my story was simply unbelievable and refused to put it on the United Press wire. Again I made Wilson swear an oath that he would not divulge what I had told him, and I hurried out of his office.
After a frantic series of calls I finally located Harry Frantz, until recently the cable editor of United Press. Harry still had excellent connections at the bureau, and he managed to transmit the story on the UP foreign cable - but not the syndicate’s main trunk line.
Though written in haste, the story as it left Washington contained all the important details of what Hull had confided to me earlier that morning. Yet, somehow, the text was garbled in transmission.
The only newspaper in the whole world to use any portion of the story was the Honolulu Advertiser. A front-page banner headline in the paper the morning of Sunday, November 30, “JAPANESE MAY ATTACK OVER WEEKEND!” A subhead noted, “Hawaii Troops Alerted”.
Suspiciously, the story didn’t mention that the target of the Japanese attack would be Pearl Harbor itself. The horrible cost paid for that simple omission is well-known.
The gloomy news of the calamity at Pearl Harbor descended on Washington like a pall. A couple of days later Lyle Wilson phoned and asked me to come to the bureau. As I walked into his private office, he handed me Roosevelt’s personally edited press release about the “surprise offensive,” saying simply, “I want you to have this.”
“Why are you giving this to me?” I inquired. “It will probably be recorded as the most famous speech Roosevelt ever gave!”
“Steve Early gave it to me,” he replied. “You see, I told him I knew about the attack and didn’t use the story. It was Early’s way of saying thanks. I muffed the most important story of my career. We might have saved thousands of lives.”
Wilson slumped behind his desk and buried his face in his hands. Clutching FDR’s press release, I sat in an empty chair and wept.
See also:
World Jewish Congress FDR & WWII.
Tuesday, April 29, 2008
We Are Change UK - Phil Hayton and WTC7
This video underscores a very important point that is lost on many 9/11 activists and researchers. Most of the people in the MSM are very likely as clueless as the majority of their audience. Phil Hayton's likeness appears in numerous 9/11 videos discussing the collapse of WTC 7 and the significance of the BBC reporting it before it happened. Nonetheless, Mr. Hayton appeared legitimately surprised by and completely unaware of the significance of the incident.
Wednesday, April 23, 2008
Jimmy Carter: US Politicians are Beholden to Israel
I understand the political pressures on any candidate in the United States of America, who's running for office as a member of Congress or senator or governor or president. They can't possibly approve my doing anything with which the government of Israel disagrees. So I don't criticize him or Senator Clinton or Senator McCain for their inevitable and understandable criticism of my actions.~ President Jimmy Carter
Tuesday, April 22, 2008
Probable Accessories Before the Fact of 9/11/01
Updated Wed Apr 23 04:58:44 EDT 2008
The following is a list of people we have identified as probable accessories before the fact of the 9/11/01 false flag terrorist attacks.
Lewis Paul "Jerry" Bremer III
Heinz Alfred Kissinger
Ronald S. Lauder
Larry Silverstein
Peter S. Lowy
Frank Lowy
Uzi Arad
Benjamin Netanyahu
Ehud Barak
Buzzy Krongard
Mayo Shattuck III
Jerome Hauer
Maurice Sonnenberg
Richard Bruce Cheney
Michael Chertoff
Don Radlauer
Philip Zelikow
John Deutch
Paul Wolfowitz
Richard N. Perle
Douglas Feith
Stephen E. Herbits
Maurice "Hank" Greenberg
Michael G. Cherkasky
Peter G. Peterson
David Rockefeller
Nicholas Rockefeller
Monte R. Belger
Michael S. Goff
Tom Brokaw
Angela Mitchell Greenspan
Ehud "Udi" Mendelson
Jacob (Kobi) Alexander
Theodore B. Olson
Jane Lakes Harman
Urban Moving Systems
The names of the five Israelis arrested on 09/11/01 are:
Sivan Kurzberg (AKA Sylvian Kurcheil),
Paul Kurzberg (AKA Paul Kurcheil),
Yaron Shmuel(AKA Vyron Shmuel),
Oded Ellner and
Omer Marmari.
The men were employees of Urban Moving Systems, which is believed to have been a Mossad front company, and was owned by an Israeli Citizen named Dominik Suter, who fled the United States almost immediately.
Saturday, April 19, 2008
nineeleven.co.uk: Where Banishment is an Honour
It will be helpful for the reader to gain some understanding as to who Gerald Bostock is in order to understand why I chose this as my nom de plume.
This author was recently blocked from posting to and reading 9/11, the bigger picture and the quest for truth: The British (UK) 9/11 Truth Campaign portal, website and forums. Apparently this was for posting the following quoted text [Original found here]:
Note that the post was originally to a newly created thread entitled Protecting me from dangerous ideas, but was moved by the moderator to the thread entitled No Holocaust discussion on this site. That was, however, my penultimate post. My final post was in the thread Jewish group applauds web censorship as follows:
In addition to Gerald Bostock, other user names I used on nineeleven.co.uk were Alulim, Usama bin Laden and Hetware. Several of my most important posts relative to the dispute have been removed after persisting for days, weeks or even months.
Really don't mind if you sit this one out
My word's but a whisper
Your deafness a shout
I may make you feel
But I can't make you think
This author was recently blocked from posting to and reading 9/11, the bigger picture and the quest for truth: The British (UK) 9/11 Truth Campaign portal, website and forums. Apparently this was for posting the following quoted text [Original found here]:
At the risk of being accused of discussing a forbidden topic by discussing the forbidding of the topic, I wish to share some observations about the recent change in policy on this forum. A review of recent posts should reveal what that policy change was.
I have to say that the very idea that some topics are too controversial for honest and sincere adults to discuss in public is arrogant, elitist, condescending and illiberal. One of the primary motives that drives me to participate in the 9/11 Truth movement is to oppose regimes that would impose restrictions on the free discussion of relevant information. I do not fear having my ideas and perceptions challenged. I believe that the Truth is stronger than lies. Indeed, that axiom is the unspoken foundation of Anglo-American civilization.
I know that I have been forbidden from speaking the Truth as I know it on this forum. This is a Truth that I sincerely believe is relevant to the stated mission of this forum. By forbidding this discussion the cognizant authorities are implicitly saying that I am wrong. In order for me to be wrong I must be either misinformed (unsound premises), logically in error (invalid argument) or simply lying.
Regarding the first two possibilities, I welcome the opportunity to be corrected. I am human and therefore can err. I do not wish to be mistaken or misinformed. To deny me that opportunity for correction is to deny me the ability to make informed and reasoned decisions. A state of ignorance and error is clearly hazardous to my well-being. Denying me this opportunity for correction is therefore a means of doing harm to me.
Regarding the last of the above listed possibilities, to wit, that I might be intentionally lying, that I take to be a serious charge against which I have a right to defend myself. To be accused of lying is harmful to a person's reputation and therefore his wellbeing.
To assert that a particular belief is incorrect implies that any person who professes that belief suffers from one or more of the above stated faults. It therefore does not matter that my actual identity is not known to the public. The harm resulting from denying me the freedom to honestly discuss the offending topic is done to all who share my beliefs.
Forbidding the honest discussion of a relevant topic is the quintessential act of intellectual tyranny. It is clear that several regular and sincere participants in this forum share my belief that the forbidden topic is relevant, and they also share my opinions regarding the facts involved.I have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind of man.~ Thomas Jefferson
Note that the post was originally to a newly created thread entitled Protecting me from dangerous ideas, but was moved by the moderator to the thread entitled No Holocaust discussion on this site. That was, however, my penultimate post. My final post was in the thread Jewish group applauds web censorship as follows:
ian neal wrote:If you read the rules of this site you would know that hate speech is banned on this site
So when it is said, as the article does
“Clearly a line has to be drawn between freedom of speech, voicing of differing opinions – and material that just incites racial hatred, religious intolerance and violence. When that line is crossed, that material ought not to be freely available to all who log onto the web.”
I agree
And if you don't, you are on the wrong site. If I were you I would rush off and find a corner of cyber space that still allows the incitement of "racial hatred, religious intolerance and violence" and get busy while you still can.
Do you agree with this statement by Hillary Clinton?To deny the Holocaust places the President of Iran in company with the most despicable bigots and historical revisionists. It is an insult not only to the memory of the millions of Jews who suffered and died in the Shoah, but also to the troops of the United States and its allies who, in the fight to liberate Europe from Nazism, bore witness to the reality of the Holocaust.
In addition to Gerald Bostock, other user names I used on nineeleven.co.uk were Alulim, Usama bin Laden and Hetware. Several of my most important posts relative to the dispute have been removed after persisting for days, weeks or even months.
Nil conscire sibi
Thursday, April 17, 2008
Ernst Zundel interviews Prof. Roger Dommergue in France.
A Jew defends Hitler - part 1 of 3
A Jew defends Hitler - part 2 of 3
A Jew defends Hitler - part 3 of 3
This is a quite extraordinary dialog which is well worth hearing. We do not support all of Prof. Dommergue's views, but we certainly support his right to express them. We also believe that he is sufficiently informed to be taken seriously.
Wednesday, April 16, 2008
Money as Debt
Paul Grignon's 47-minute animated presentation of "Money as Debt" tells in very simple and effective graphic terms what money is and how it is being created. It is an entertaining way to get the message out. The Cowichan Citizens Coalition and its "Duncan Initiative" received high praise from those who previewed it. I recommend it as a painless but hard-hitting educational tool and encourage the widest distribution and use by all groups concerned with the present unsustainable monetary system in Canada and the United States.
Click the picture for Pound's reading:
With Usura
With usura hath no man a house of good stone
each block cut smooth and well fitting
that design might cover their face,
with usura
hath no man a painted paradise on his church wall
harpes et luthes
or where virgin receiveth message
and halo projects from incision,
with usura
seeth no man Gonzaga his heirs and his concubines
no picture is made to endure nor to live with
but it is made to sell and sell quickly
with usura sin against nature,
is thy bread ever more of stale rags
is thy bread dry as paper,
with no mountain wheat, no strong flour
with usura the line grows thick
with usura is no clear demarcation
and no man can find site for his dwelling.
Stone cutter is kept from his stone
weaver is kept from his loom
WITH USURA
wool comes not to market
sheep bringeth no gain with usura
Usura is a murrain, usura
blunteth the needle in the maid's hand
and stoppeth the spinner's cunning.
Pietro Lombardo
came not by usura
Duccio came not by usura
nor Pier della Francesca; Zuan Bellin' not by usura
nor was "La Calunnia" painted.
Came not by usura Angelico; came not Ambrogio Praedis,
Came no church of cut stone signed: Adamo me fecit.
Not by usura St Trophime
Not by usura Saint Hilaire,
Usura rusteth the chisel
It rusteth the craft and the craftsman
It gnaweth the thread in the loom
None learneth to weave gold in her pattern;
Azure hath a canker by usura; cramoisi is unbroiled
Emerald findeth no Memling
Usura slayeth the child in the womb
It stayeth the young man's courting
It hath brought palsey to bed, lyeth
between the young bride and her bridegroom
CONTRA NATURAM
They have brought whores for Eleusis
Corpses are set to banquet
at behest of usura.
Canto XLV - Pound
Thursday, April 03, 2008
Message to the German Embassy Regarding the Imprisonment of Germar Rudolf
I am confident that any informed and intelligent German citizen knows that Germar Rudolf is in prison for speaking the Truth as he knows it. His research is of the highest scholarly and scientific standards. His conclusions are arrived at through valid reasoning on the basis of sound premises. In other words, I have concluded that Germar Rudolf is in prison for being intelligent, truthful, right and patriotic.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights — Article 19 clearly states that:
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
By imprisoning Germar Rudolf, the German government is clearly guilty of a blatant and egregious violation of human rights in both the letter and the spirit of the law.
During the Cold War I served two years in Germany as a soldier in the United States Army. I did so with pride in the conviction that I was defending the German people against exactly the evil that is being wrought upon the good and honest Germar Rudolf. As I have demonstrated by this service, I would willingly bear arms against a government which conducts its affairs as does the current German government. I do not say this despite my German-American heritage dating to 1776, I say this because of my heritage.
In the off chance that this missive might be perceived as undiplomatic, I will say that I am speaking the Truth without pretense. If you want affected "diplomacy", talk to Heinz Alfred Kissinger.
Wednesday, April 02, 2008
Thursday, March 27, 2008
Censored on Common Dreams
This was posted to CommonDreams.org as a comment to an article written by Ray McGovern. It very quickly vanished, then reappeared with a message saying that it was pending moderation. IOW "pound sand".
After I saw that the post was blocked, I decided to post it without the links, but that post never appeared. There is clearly something in the content that the Common Dreams censors don't want on their site. As can be seen by following the links, all of the material is authoritatively sourced.
I'm sure the significance of petroleum was not lost on Uzi Arad who concentrated on the subject of global petroleum reserves in graduate school. That is, of course, the same Uzi Arad, former head of Mossad, who is the Founding Director of the Institute for Policy and Strategy (IPS) of the Ronald S. Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy, named after the same Ronald S. Lauder who was Chairman of the New York State Research Council on Privatization, responsible for the July 24, 2001, World Trade Center Privatization Agreement.
Hint: FRONTLINE isn't going to tell you this!
After I saw that the post was blocked, I decided to post it without the links, but that post never appeared. There is clearly something in the content that the Common Dreams censors don't want on their site. As can be seen by following the links, all of the material is authoritatively sourced.
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
FOX News Investigative Reporters Fired For Telling The Truth
This is only one of the thousands of stories that TV News Stations have tried to cover up. What the public needs to understand is that FOX, ABC, CBS, CNN, MSNBC and the other established *mainstream "mass media"/news sources [*see definition @ http://www.wikipedia.org] are perpetrating criminal fraud (via omissions, distortions and outright lies) and a deliberate censorship of facts.
The most recent example of blatant fraud is the cover up of Dr. Ron Paul status as a front-runner in the 2008 Presidential race—with malice and aforethought and evil intent to control the 2008 presidential elections. This is an outrage and "We the People" need to organize and expose this dangerous plot and TAKE ACTION by filing "class action" criminal charges and civil suits against the owners and executives of these news sources.
This illegal censorship is not only harming Americans because they wield the power to control the outcome of elections via the quantity and quality of the news coverage they provide the candidates; it constitutes an anti-American criminal enterprise; not to fail to mention a violation of the first amendment/freedom of the press.
These accused individuals—the elitist media executives—exercise monopolized and Fascist-control over media/news sources with intent to get the candidate preferred by them elected while simultaneously wrongfully hiding and/or playing down the true facts, popularity, and success of the Ron Paul campaign.
To request a free copy of the sworn affidavit and to support the criminal complaint, contact retired FBI Division Chief Ted L. Gunderson immediately at http://www.tedgunderson.com
Please spread this message and let's get criminal charges and a class action lawsuit executed against this dangerous organized crime syndicate identified as the present mainstream media outlets which are collaborating in a RICO [Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act, Title 18, United States Code, Sections 1961-1968; reference: http://www.ricoact.com ] conspiracy to censor Dr. Ron Paul and control the outcome of the 2008 Presidential Election.
This is definitely "RICO" if it can be shown that any of the accused media executives have donated money to any of the other presidential candidates, directly or indirectly! The accused individuals herein have wrongfully utilized their outrageous MONOPOLY over the media across America to injure Dr. Ron Paul and his millions of supporters; all Americans, in fact. These accused individuals need to go to prison upon conviction. They need to be criminally prosecuted and have their personal assets seized. They need to have their Federal FCC licenses revoked for participating in this criminal conspiracy. Help us spread this felony information far and wide. Let's get these elitist outlaws criminally prosecuted and civilly sued.
For more info see: LATEST UPDATE ON CRIMINAL CHARGES AGAINST DISCOVERED FELONS IN THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA!!!!! « Urban Monkey Warfare.:
Friday, March 21, 2008
Thursday, March 20, 2008
Amy Goodman 17:20 EST, 09/11/01
Who told the fireman, cop, and Amy Goodman of "Democracy Now!" that WTC-7 was going to implode??? Why were Ms. Goodman and many other people pre-assembled to see the building drop about a mile north of the site??? Who provided them with this inexplicable foreknowledge??? Why has Ms. Goodman never explained any of this, despite the fact that she can be seen running & yelling, "Oh God!", as WTC-7 falls in a controlled demolition???
I make my living off the Evening News
Just give me something-something I can use
People love it when you lose,
They love dirty laundry
Well, I could o' been an actor, but I wound up here
I just have to look good, I don't have to be clear
Come and whisper in my ear
Give us dirty laundry
Kick 'em when they're up
Kick 'em when they're down
Kick 'em when they're up
Kick 'em when they're down
Kick 'em when they're up
Kick 'em when they're down
Kick 'em when they're up
Kick 'em all around
We got the bubble-headed-bleach-blonde,
Comes on at five
She can tell you 'bout the plane crash with a gleam
In her eye
It's interesting when people die-
Give us dirty laundry
Can we film the operation?
Is the head dead yet?
You know, the boys in the newsroom got a
Running bet
Get the widow on the set!
We need dirty laundry
You don't really need to find out what's going on
You don't really want to know just how far it's gone
Just leave well enough alone
Eat your dirty laundry
Kick 'em when they're up
Kick 'em when they're down
Kick 'em when they're up
Kick 'em when they're down
Kick 'em when they're up
Kick 'em when they're down
Kick 'em when they're stiff
Kick 'em all around
Dirty little secrets
Dirty little lies
We got our dirty little fingers in everybody's pie
We love to cut you down to size
We love dirty laundry
We can do "The Innuendo"
We can dance and sing
When it's said and done we haven't told you a thing
We all know that Crap is King
Give us dirty laundry!
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
Was Mossad Behind Spitzer's Downfall?
We are not apologizing for Spitzer's criminal and immoral conduct of soliciting a prostitute. On the other hand, we have to point out the blatant disparity between the degree of Spitzer's acknowledged wrongdoing, and the abject criminality that permeates the United States government at the highest levels.
Here's a bit you might not be aware of regarding the Spitzer scandal. Spitzer has connections to Larry Silverstein, Jerome Hauer, Michael Cherkasky, and Kroll. If you know anything about the WTC Privatization Agreement of July 24, 2001, and the death of John O'Neill, you will understand why this is significant. In our assessment, all evidence points strongly to the probability that Spitzer was taken down by Mossad. Best we can gather, Spitzer holds a mono-citizenship.
It is inconceivable that planes carrying tons of cocaine can be flying into the US of A without anybody noticing unusual banking transaction, while the detection of Spitzer's hooker tab causes his downfall.
Sunday, March 02, 2008
Zionist Minitrue Persecutes Crimethinker Dr. Fredrick Toben
Holocaust denier called to account
Jeremy Roberts | February 28, 2008
HOLOCAUST denier Fredrick Toben faced accusations of criminal contempt of court yesterday after he claimed the Federal Court was part of worldwide conspiracy against him.
The call to lay criminal charge against Dr Toben came from counsel for Australian Jewish leader Jeremy Jones, in a long running Federal Court case aimed at removing Holocaust-denial material from Dr Toben's Adelaide Institute website.
In a document lodged with the Federal Court yesterday, Dr Toben, 62, claimed the court was a part of a plan to silence his controversial views on the Holocaust.
"This matter before the Federal Court of Australia is a Jewish conspiratorial matter designed to protect an historical lie," Dr Toben says, in notice of motion filed yesterday.
Going further, Dr Toben identifies two Jewish judges, Federal Court Justice Alan Goldberg and NSW Supreme Court Justice Stephen Rothman, and questions the integrity of the courts.
"Both (judges) have been heavily involved in propagating the Jewish Holocaust-Shoah, gives rise for concern that any kind of justice can emerge from proceedings that directly impact on a contentious interpretation of an historical event," he says.
Counsel for Mr Jones, Robin Margo SC, told the court that Dr Toben's comments were so serious as to attract a criminal action.
"This matter has passed from a civil contempt proceeding to serious criminal contempt," Mr Margo said.
Mr Margo told Justice Michael Moore, sitting in Sydney, that after six years of litigation from Mr Jones, it was time for criminal action to be taken by the court against Dr Toben.
"There must come a point in which a private litigant doesn't have to keep pushing the barrow for ever," Mr Margo said.
German-born Australian, Mr Toben, 62, spent seven months in a German prison in 1999 for breaching Holocaust denial laws on his website.
He represented himself yesterday in Adelaide, connected to the Sydney court by video link, responding to a civil contempt of court complaint by Mr Jones, a former president of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry.
Mr Jones is attempting to have Dr Toben honour a court undertaking, made in November last year, to remove references to Holocaust denial material on his website.
Mr Jones also wants Dr Toben to re-issue his apology, made last November, for breaching the terms of the 2002 decision by Justice Catherine Branson to remove the Holocaust-denial material.
Justice Moore adjourned the case to a date in April, ahead of a possible hearing in June.
Tuesday, February 26, 2008
Documentary: NY Times 1933 Headlines "Judea Declares War on Germany"
This documentary presents a very unconventional view of the events commonly known as The Holocaust. We have not verified every one of Dr. Toben's claims, but we know of no factual errors therein, and do have corroboration for much of the material.
Monday, February 25, 2008
Molten Metal from WTC2
There is clear videographic evidence of brightly glowing molten metal flowing from the north face near the northeast corner of WTC 2 just prior to the onset of collapse.(NIST NCSTAR 1-5A, pp 375-376, and Figure 9-75 from 9:53:51 a.m.) The authors of the NIST report offer an indisputably flawed explanation for the observed material, speculating that it was molten aluminum, at or near melting temperature. This is physically impossible. The intensity and spectral distribution of the emitted light provide a reliable indication of the temperature range of the emitter. The fact that the material was glowing sufficiently to be detected by video cameras - to the point of saturating pixels - conclusively demonstrates that the material was not at or near the melting temperature of aluminum.
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By comparing pixel samples from images of flames with those from images of the molten metal within the same photograph it is possible to determine that the metal was actually hotter than the visible flames escaping from the building. This reasoning follows if both light sources are ideal black body radiators. As it happens, diffuse hydrocarbon flames such as occur in office fires generate their light through thermal radiation of soot which has very high emissivity, closely approximating a black body.[2] Metals, on the other hand, tend to have low emissivity, with the emissivity of aluminum significantly lower than that of iron. The result is that a diffuse hydrocarbon flame will glow more brightly than either iron or aluminum at the same temperature. Iron, in turn, will glow significantly more intensely than will aluminum at the same temperature.(See Jones 2007? for experiments with aluminum)
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Since heat always flows from hot to cold, it is impossible for the visible flames to have produced the temperature indicated by the appearance of the metal. Because there was almost certainly a better supply of oxygen outside of the building than within the fire effected areas, it follows that these were likely the hottest hydrocarbon flames in the fire. Furthermore, it takes time to transfer heat. Any material hotter than the objects with which it is in contact will transfer its heat to the cooler objects. Thus, while heat is imparted to the metal by a flame, it will simultaneously be conducted away. Thus preventing the metal from reaching the temperature of the flame.
In addition, there is no explanation provided for how this significant quantity of metal was melted in such a way as to pool on the floor and retained this extraordinary heat, before spilling out of the window frame. There was no crucible to confine it while being heated.
Aluminothermic reactions, on the other hand, produce molten iron with exactly the appearance preserved in the video record. Aluminothermic reactions also produce a fine white aluminum oxide power identical to that which was observed wafting away from the northeast corner of WTC 2 at about the same time that the molten metal appeared, as can be seen in the photograph taken at 9:52:51 a.m.(NIST NCSTAR 1-5A, Figure 9-71)
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Such aluminothermic reactions tend to be extremely bright, and even hard to look at with the naked eye. If such a reaction did take place in WTC 2 near the location from which the molten metal poured, we might expect to see such a light source, and indeed, we find evidence for this in a photograph of the northeast corner taken at 9:37:24 a.m. which shows a bright white light shining from the opening produced when part of the airplane exited the building through that corner.(NIST NCSTAR 1-5A, Figure 9-45)
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Another indicator of extreme temperatures inconsistent with diffuse hydrocarbon flames is found in other photographs of the flames from this same corner. For example the image recorded at 9:42:31 shows not only a conspicuous stream of white ash wafting away from the area, but also what appear to be "unnaturally" intense flames protruding from the corner of the building at the same location as the bright white light appeared 5 minutes earlier.(NIST NCSTAR 1-5A, Figure 9-51)
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The location of all of these indications of a massive aluminothermic reaction is conspicuous because, as can be seen from the extracted video frames found here :Captured Stills from WTC 2 North East Corner Collapse, this is the location where the global collapse initiated. These images also reveal that as the building collapsed, an unmistakable stream of glowing material issued from the location where the molten metal had previously been observed. This material falls faster than the other emerging debris which indicates that it is heavier. The additional weight is probably due to the fact that much of it is molten iron.
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The FAQ available on the NIST website attempts to explain the brightly glowing appearance of the molten metal by arguing that it was mixed with organic materials from the office contents of the building. They do not offer any citation to scientific literature in support their assertion, nor do they provide any experimental evidence to support it. Physicist Steven E. Jones conducted experiments attempting to reproduce such a phenomena, and was unsuccessful.
Additionally, there are numerous other phenomena which support this
conclusion such as:
- eutectically eroded structural steel components[3],
- accounts of molten metal in the pile[4],
- photos of brightly glowing steel pulled from the pile weeks later[5],
- cars set on fire by pyroclastic flows issuing from the collapses[6],
- persistent heat on the pile melting worker's boots[7],
- NASA/USGS thermal imaging evincing otherwise inexplicably high temperature[8] and
- Micro-fine airborne metalic particles in the vicinity of the WTC rubble[9].
In summary, the evidence provided by the video record of brightly glowing molten metal flowing from WTC 2 just prior to its collapse argues very strongly for the presence of some type of aluminothermic reaction taking place at this time, and near this location. It is evident that the intense heat thus generated compromised the structure at this location resulting in the structural failure of the effected corner initiating the global collapse sequence.
[1]http://baldur.globalsymmetry.com/fact911/videos/molten-stream/images.html These are the images used to provide the pixel samples.
[2]http://www.tempe.mi.cnr.it/zizak/tutorial/cairol06-flame-emission.pdf "Continuous spectra, such as the ones radiated by the sun, in which the emitted energy is distributed in a continuous manner between all wavelengths within a certain domain, and which usually exhibits a maximum. This is the general case of radiation emitted by heated bodies in solid or liquid phase. Continuous spectra in combustion systems are generally observed in the sooty region of rich hydrocarbon flames."
[1] http://baldur.globalsymmetry.com/fact911/videos/molten-stream/images.html
These are the images used to provide the pixel samples.
[2] http://www.tempe.mi.cnr.it/zizak/tutorial/cairol06-flame-emission.pdf
"Continuous spectra, such as the ones radiated by the sun, in
which the emitted energy is distributed in a continuous manner
between all wavelengths within a certain domain, and which usually
exhibits a maximum. This is the general case of radiation emitted
by heated bodies in solid or liquid phase. Continuous spectra in
combustion systems are generally observed in the sooty region of
rich hydrocarbon flames."
[3] http://wtc.nist.gov/media/AppendixC-fema403_apc.pdf
[4] http://911research.wtc7.net/wtc/evidence/moltensteel.html
[5]
[6]
[7]
[8]
http://pubs.usgs.gov/of/2001/ofr-01-0429/thermal.r09.html
[9]http://www.bollyn.com/index/?id=10607Why Did Iron Boil in the Rubble of the World Trade Center?
Experiments to test NIST "orange glow" hypothesis...
by Steven E. Jones, August 31, 2006
What I did is an experiment today, with two colleagues here, to test the NIST proclamation:
"NIST concluded that the source of the molten material [observed flowing out of WTC2 before its collapse] was aluminum alloys from the aircraft, since these are known to melt between 475 degrees Celsius and 640 degrees Celsius (depending on the particular alloy), well below the expected temperatures (about 1,000 degrees Celsius) in the vicinity of the fires. Aluminum is not expected to ignite at normal fire temperatures and there is no visual indication that the material flowing from the tower was burning.
"Pure liquid aluminum would be expected to appear silvery. However, the molten metal was very likely mixed with large amounts of hot, partially burned, solid organic materials (e.g., furniture, carpets, partitions and computers) which can display an orange glow, much like logs burning in a fireplace. The apparent color also would have been affected by slag formation on the surface."
NIST says that flowing aluminum with partially burned organic materials mixed in, "can display an orange glow." But will it really do this? I decided to do an experiment to find out.
We melted aluminum in a steel pan using an oxy-acetylene torch.
Then we added plastic shavings -- which immediately burned with a dark smoke, as the plastic floated on top of the hot molten aluminum. Next, we added wood chips (pine, oak and compressed fiber board chips) to the liquid aluminum. Again, we had fire and smoke, and again, the hydrocarbons floated on top as they burned. We poured out the aluminum and all three of us observed that it appeared silvery, not orange! We took photos and videos, so we will have the recorded evidence as these are processed. (I have now attached two videos showing clearly the silvery appearance of the flowing aluminum.) Of course, we saw a few burning embers, but this did not alter the silvery appearance of the flowing, falling aluminum.
We decided to repeat the experiment, with the same aluminum re-melted. This time when we added fresh wood chips to the hot molten aluminum, we poured the aluminum-wood concoction out while the fire was still burning. And as before, the wood floated on top of the liquid aluminum. While we could see embers of burning wood, we observed the bulk of the flowing aluminum to be silvery as always, as it falls through the air.
This is a key to understanding why the aluminum does not "glow orange" due to partially-burned organics "mixed" in (per NIST theory) - because they do NOT mix in! My colleague noted that it is like oil and water - organics and molten aluminum do not mix. The hydrocarbons float to the top, and there burn - and embers glow, yes, but just in spots. The organics clearly do NOT impart to the hot liquid aluminum an "orange glow" when it falls, when you actually do the experiment! (Refer to attached videos of our experiments.)
In the videos of the molten metal falling from WTC2 just prior to its collapse, it appears consistently orange, not just orange in spots and certainly not silvery. We conclude that the falling metal which poured out of WTC2 is NOT aluminum. Not even aluminum "mixed" with organics as NIST theorizes.
What is it? I have a bold hypothesis which still stands all our experimental tests to date, as described in my paper Why Indeed Did the WTC Buildings Collapse?.
NIST should do experiments to test their "wild" theories about what happened on 9/11/2001, if they want to learn the truth about it.
| Videos |
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| Liquid Aluminum Part 1 |
| Liquid Aluminum Part 2 |
Sincerely,
Steven E. Jones
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